Text, translated from the 1595 Latin 5th Add., 1595 Latin, 1597 German 5th Add., 1601 Latin, 1602 German, 1603 Latin, 1606 English, 1608/1612 Italian, 1609/1612 Spanish and Latin, and 1624 Latin Parergon/1641 Spanish [but with Latin text] editions:
222.1. {1595L5Add{The {not in 1606E{MACEDONIAN}not in 1606E} VOYAGE {1597G5Add, 1601G & 1608/1612I instead{WAR EXPEDITION}1597G5Add, 1602G & 1608/1612I instead} of ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
222.2. If Archelaus the chorographer, who according to Diogenes Laërtius has described all that part of the earthly globe [which was] explored by Alexander the Great, {1606E only{that famous king from Macedonia}1606E only}, or if Beton (Bæton is what Athenæus calls him) {1601L, not in 1602G{or Diognetus, who according to Plinius measured the journey of this Alexander}1601L, not in 1602G}, or if the commentaries on Strabo, composed of the stories and famous acts of that great conqueror, [if all these sources] had been extant today, it would undoubtedly have been an easier matter for us to have made the map we intend to present to the view and benefit of the student of geography about THE VOYAGE {1608/1612I has instead{WAR}1608/1612I instead} OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
222.3. But being without all these helpers, we present it here as based on Ptolemæus and some other more recent writers. Then we have also included all those specific places which Quintus Curtius, Arrianus and Plutarchus refer to in the history of this expedition. These three, out of all those who have written extensively about his life, and whose [writings] have come into our hands, have specifically dealt with his voyage and expedition. To these we have added by way of help to achieve our purpose what we could find in Strabo, Diodorus, Trogus, Orosius and in Plutarchus' book entitled About the fortune {1606E only{and prosperous success of Alexander}1606E only}. For these men, although they did not intend it, have themselves demonstrated in recording his memorable acts to be very diligent and truthful authors.
222.4. Similarly, Philostratus, Solinus and Plinius have provided us in the same manner with some service. And when surveying all manner of histories, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{written in Greek or Latin by any other author whatsoever}not in 1597G5Add & 1601G}, next to those mentioned above, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{I could find very little or nothing that might serve us in our arguments in any place at all}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. For although some things may be found when reading Livius, Valerius Maximus, Polybius, Athenæus, Polyænus, Ælianus, Seneca, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Stobæus}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, Quintilianus, Apuleius, Dion Prusæus, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Maximus Tyrius, Theon Sophista, {not in 1624LParergon/1641S{Plutarchus in his treatise on Mountains}not in 1624LParergon/1641S}, and the Panegyric made for Maximianus and Constantinus}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, yet those seem in my judgment to concern themselves with his private life, natural inclination[s], manners, virtues and vices, rather than with voyage and expedition.
222.5. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Francis Iuretus, in his annotations on Symmachus, confesses that there have been writings about the life of Alexander the Great, first {1606E only{in Greek}1606E only} by a certain Æsopos, and later translated into Latin by Iulius Valerius. This author we have not yet seen, and therefore we say nothing about him}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. We have therefore (in the description of this empire of the Macedonians, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{the greatest on the whole earth, as Livius in his 45th book calls it, established for this Alexander of ours)}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} done what we could, not what we would.
222.6. To this we have added a discussion and image of Jupiter Ammon's oracle, famous, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{as Pomponius Mela writes, for the accuracy of its predictions}not in 1597G & 1602G}, to be included as illustration and ornament, and because it is so often named and mentioned in all ancient histories, and also because our Alexander in this expedition of his went to this place, to demand from the oracle what the course and outcome of his journey would be. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Finally both Curtius and Trogus confirm that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} he commanded that his body, after his death, was to be buried here, although it is certain that this was not carried out, {1601L, not in 1602G{for his corpse was buried in Alexandria in Egypt}1601lL}. {not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1624LParergon/1641S{About this from various authors we have collected what follows here}not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1624LParergon/1641S}.
222.7. The ORACLE {1597G5Add & 1602G have instead{temple}1597G5Add & 1602G instead} of {1597G5Add & 1602G only{the idol}1597G5Add & 1602G only}{1606E only{Jupiter}1606E only} Ammon.
222.8. The place where the temple of {1606E only{Jupiter}1606E only} Ammon once stood has around it a vast and huge wilderness, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{with great heaps of treacherous sand}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. It is enclosed on every side by waste and barren grounds, a place wholly unmanured and uninhabitable. Here are various large fields, as Arranius, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Curtius}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} and Diodorus Siculus describe them, {not in 1597G5Add, 1602G{entirely covered with sand, {1606E only{like we often see low meadows flooded by the outbreak of some big river}1606E only}. The centre of this place (Silius Italicus calls it Lucus fatidicus, {1606E only{the fate telling wood}1606E only} which contains a small plot of land (only forty furlongs long at its broadest, as Arrianus writes, or at most, as Diodorus would have it, not more than fifty furlongs)}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} is beset with various sorts of fruitful trees, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{namely, as Arrianus testifies, with olives and dates, or, as Theophrastus writes, with a kind of cypress, or a sweet smelling aromatic tree which he calls thuia {1606E only{(our herborists call it the tree of life)}1606E only} and with the paliurus, {1606E only{a kind of very sharp thorn, very plentifully growing in Palestine, with which some men truly think that our Saviour Christ was crowned by the Roman soldiers, and which therefore by some is called Christ's thorn}1606E only}.
222.9. As Diodorus Siculus reports, here grow all kinds of excellent trees, but especially all sorts of fruit trees most plentifully. Plinius also highly recommends the excellent palm trees of this place}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. It is watered by various pleasant and wholesome wells, springs and brooks. And on account of this, it is inhabited by the Ammonij, a people who dwell in cottages scattered here and there at a good distance from one another. In the middle of this place there was a tower surrounded by three walls, of which the first contained the ancient palace of their kings {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{(tyrannos Curtius calls them)}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Within the second [wall] their wives, children and concubines were kept.
222.10. Here also stood the temple or oracle of that god. Within the third and innermost wall, the guards and armed men stood to attention. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Diodorus Siculus reports that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} in front of the oracle there was a fountain in which all things whatsoever that were offered to the god were first washed and purified. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{So far for the natural layout of this oracle, the way it was built and its architecture}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Now what remains is that we should in a similar manner speak about the form and shape of this Libyan god, as Dionysius Afer calls him.
222.11. They did not portray him, as we usually do, casting thunderbolts, but with a pair of rams horns upon his head, as Arnobius, Ovidius, Macrobius and others have recorded, and those very crooked, as Lucianus and Ovidius have written. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Lucianus says that they portrayed him in the form and shape of a ram, but}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} Herodotus seems to refer only to his head and face. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{In Martianus he is described with a pair of rams horns and a jagged or fringed coat. This is also what Athenæus means when he calls it Perichidus {not in 1606E{or [in Greek lettering] Perichidu}not in 1606E} {1601L, 1603L, 1609/1612S/L & 1624LParergon/1641S only{interpreted as being dressed in a fringed coat}1601L, 1603L, 1609/1612S/L & 1624LParergon/1641S only} (as) Natalis and {1601L, 1603L, 1609/1612L & 1624LParergon/1641S only{interpreted as divided at the edge by}1601L, 1603L, 1609/1612S/L & 1624LParergon/1641S only} Dalechampius.
222.12. Yet Quintus Curtius portrays him in a different manner, in his description of him: that which is worshipped does not have the shape and likeness which artists and workmen have commonly attributed to gods. It was like a protuberance (umbilicus he calls it) made of emeralds and oriental pearls}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. When an answer was demanded from this idol, it was carried by the priests in a golden boat or ship, with various silver goblets and ornaments hanging around it on each side. Immediately behind it would follow a great company of old women and young maidens, singing a rude and homely song in their own language, whereby they truly believe that they much please their god Jupiter, and convince him to give a good and accurate answer to the demand that is presented to him.
222.13. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Diodorus Siculus reports {1601L{in a similar way and adds moreover}1601L only} that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} the priests in daily attendance were in number at least fourscore [80]. Why he was portrayed with rams horns is clearly explained, among others, by Germanicus and Hyginus {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{in Ariete}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, when they write that this temple was first erected by Bacchus in honour of the ram {1606E only{[blank, probably meant for Arabic lettering] Hamil, the Arabs, Dutch and Spaniards call him} which was his guide and}1606E only} which conducted him {1597G5Add, 1602G and later{(being himself with his whole army in great distress, and almost famished for lack of drink)}1597G5Add, 1602G and later} through the deserted and sandy wilderness to this place, well provided with water and abounding with various wholesome wells and springs. {1601L, not in 1602G{Yet I am not ignorant [about the fact that]}1601L, not in 1602G}
222.14. {1597G5Add, 1602G and later{Herodotus proposes another reason}1597G5Add, 1602G & later}. This temple {1601L, not in 1602G{in which as Plutarchus writes in his book Of the ceasing of Oracles, a lamp burned continually)}1601L, not in 1602G} was first erected, according to Herodotus, by Thebana Ægyptia, an Egyptian woman [and] a priest of Thebes. Diodorus Siculus tells us that it was built by Danaus, an Egyptian. Pausanias writes that it was called as it is by a certain shepherd, who first built a temple for Jupiter here. {1601L, not in 1602G{Vergilius, in his fourth book of Æneids seems to ascribe its building to Hiarbas}1601L, not in 1602G}, {1606E only{king of the Getuli, and son of Iupiter}1606E only}. All other ancient authors mostly derive the name from the Greek word [in Greek lettering] Ammos, which means sand, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{so that Jupiter Ammon means nothing but sandy Iove}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}.
222.15. Yet Plutarchus, in contrast to all others, in Osiridis writes that by the Egyptians it was called [in Greek lettering] Amous {not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1624LParergon/1641S{(or Thamos, as Plato confirms in his dialogue entitled Phædrus)}not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1624LParergon/1641S} which word in the Egyptian language means, as he adds, a hiding, or anything that is hidden or secret. As a proof, he introduces Manethon Sebennites, {1606E only{a born Egyptian}1606E only}, as a witness, concluding that this idol is corruptly and falsely called Ammon.
222.16. {1606E only{And indeed, the learned know that in the Chaldean tongue (a language closely related to Egyptian) [Hebrew lettering] Hama means to hide, or to conceal from the sight of another mans eyes. In the 28th chapter of Job [we find] similarly: to escape, and betake oneself to some place of refuge, to take sanctuary, unless copies [of these sources turn out to] be corrupt and faulty. But this is certain that [Hebrew lettering] Tham or [Hebrew lettering] Tamtam in the same language means to shut up, to lock up, or to hide from the sight of others, as men do with their treasures, answering directly to the Hebrew theme [Hebrew lettering] Thaman}1606E only}. I can only wonder, recalling to mind the inscription on an Egyptian obelisk or statue erected in the city of Thebes by king Ramses, where mention is made of Ammon, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{as you may read in the 17th book of Ammianus Marcellinus}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}.
222.17. Although this oracle was held in great reverence and taken to be accurate and true by all heathen nations far and near, yet Strabo, {1606E only{the famous geographer}1606E only} who lived in the days of Tiberius Cæsar at the time when the Christian religion began to shine forth clearly, as well as Plutarchus, who lived in the time of Traianus the emperor, both plainly testify that in their times it was very much neglected. Prudentius {1606E only{the Christian poet}1606E only}, who lived during the reign of Theodosius, justifies the same {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{in this verse he wrote: Nec responsæ refert Libycis in Syrtibus Ammon}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, {1606E only{[that is] God Ammon on the Lybian sands now answers no demands at all}1606E only}.
222.18. In the days of emperor Justinianus, according to Procopius in his sixth book of Ædificior, it was altogether deserted and unfrequented. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Whether this is the same place as that which is described by Clemens Alexandrinus To the People {1606E has instead{in his Stromaton}1606E}, and by Eusebius in his book De præparat. Evangel. under the name Gerandryus located by them in these sands, I would be glad to learn from those that are more learned than I am myself}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Near this oracle which we have so far described, there is on its East side a forest. Curtius {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{calls it nemus}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, Solinus {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{lucus. But}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} Diodorus say[s] it is a chapel, templum, within which there is Aqua Solis, or, as others term it, Fons solis, {1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E only{the fountain of the sun}1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E only}, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{the water of which, as Ovidius writes, at noon is as cold as a stone, but in the evening and morning as hot as the heat of the sun}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}.
222.19. This fountain is described by Pomponius Mela as follows. As soon as anyone shall touch this fountain with his hand, it immediately begins to swell, to toss up the sand and to rise in great billows as in the main sea in tempestuous weather. At midnight it boils, gradually begins to cool off, until finally at day break it becomes cold as a key. Then, as the sun rises, it becomes colder and colder, until at noon it has become as cold as ice. In the afternoon it begins to warm up, and at night it becomes very hot, and as the evening passes it still gets more and more hot, until finally around midnight it has become scalding hot.
222.20. The very same has been written about this fountain by Curtius, Diodorus, Herodotus, Plinius, and Lucretius. The same Lucretius {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{in his sixth book}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} reveals the reason for this strange miracle. St. Augustinus and Solinus say the same, almost word for word. But Solinus as well as Isidorus mention another spring, not far from this place, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{of which the water, as they say, binds together dust and lumps of earth, and instantly turns embers and ashes into firm ground and solid turf. Or, as Lucanus in his ninth book writes, Qui putria terræ alligat, & domitas unda connectit arenas}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, {1606E only{[that is:] which rots and turns all things to fertile, solid soil. And it ties scattered grains of sand into massive lumps of stone}1606E only}.
222.21. Antonius Liberalis makes mention of yet another spring which according to him freezes at sunset, and as the sun comes towards it again, stands still. Plinius tells about yet another spring in the country of the Troglodites, a people living near, which around noon is sweet and cool, but at midnight it boils and turns very bitter. I will stop to devote any more attention to these matters, after having added what I read in a certain letter by Synesius to his friend Euoptius about the inhabitants and people dwelling near this temple of Ammon, namely that the women here have such big tits that they do not allow their children to suck them as we do here, but that they cast their breasts over their shoulders, and allow them to be sucked behind their backs.
222.22. And lest anyone should doubt the truth of this, hark what Juvenalis writes on the subject {1606E only{in his Satyres}1606E only}: In Meroë crasso maiorem infante mamillam {1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E only{[that is:] In Meroë the tit is often found to be much bigger than the sucking child}1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E only}. So much therefore about the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, and the fountain of the sun.
222.23. {1606E only{In the 30th chapter of the book of Job in the original text [in Hebrew lettering] Hamma is used for the Holy Ghost for Hebrew [in Hebrew lettering] Somes, the Sun, which in the 19th Psalm means drought or parching heat, such as in those countries near the tropics of the sun. Similarly [empty space, presumably for Arabic lettering] Hamam in Arabic means a hot bath, such as this fountain, by the authority of many authors, is described to be. Why then may we not say (also because this oracle or temple was built near to the fountain, as well as for the joy and comfort, as said before, that Bacchus and his consorts enjoyed through it) that this god and his temple took their name from Ammon, not after the sand, but after the sun (Hamma) from which the well or spring took its name, or alternatively from Hammam, a bath? Surely the analogy is proper, and considering the affinity of the languages, the chance of this etymology [being correct] is more probable.
222.24. For I cannot easily be persuaded that the names of places here were fetched from Greece. But about this argument we shall have the occasion, God willing, to speak more appropriately and extensively [elsewhere]}1606E only}. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Pausanias in his Eliaca, amongst the goddesses of Lybia includes Juno Ammonia {1601L{who was worshipped because of her hair, but this is besides our purpose}1601L}{in 1624LParergon/1641S here 2 large coins each shown on both sides, see further bottom of this paragraph}1624LParergon/1641S}.
It remains for us only to speak a word or two about Memnon which, as Quintus Curtius reports, Alexander had a great desire to see}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}.
[In the 1601L, 1603L, 1608/1612I, & 1609/1612S/L editions we are now at the bottom of the first text page, which displays two sides of a Greek coin called Iovis Ammonis with the text: ex ære [in copper]. The left one shows a man's head, the right one an eagle with the inscription [in Greek lettering] PTOLEMAIOU BASILEOOS. To the right of this, there is another Greek coin of which both sides are shown, labelled Iunonis Ammoniæ; the left coin shows the head of a goddess, the right one an eagle, different from the previous one, with [in Greek lettering] PTOLEMAIOU BASILEOOS].
{not in 1606E{The statues of Memnon}not in 1606E}.
In the 4th book of Quintus Curtius you shall find these words spoken about Alexander.
222.25. Alexander had an earnest desire (and not without good reason although there were also some reasons to the contrary) to see not only the high country of Egypt, but even Æthiopia itself. The stately palace of king Memnon and Thiton, famous for its great antiquity, forced him to venture that way almost beyond limits of the sun {1606E instead{ the tropic of Cancer}1606E instead} {1597G5Add & 1602G have instead{out of this world}1597G5Add & 1602G instead}. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{So far for Curtius. Strabo, Solinus and Plinius in the fifth book {1606E only{of his history of nature}1606E only} claim}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} this palace of Memnon [seems] to have been the city of Abidus, a city in Ægypt.
222.26. Yet {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{the same Plinius in his 36th book writes that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} it was in Thebes, which Pausanias and Dionysius Afer confirm to be true. But here by Thebes I understand Thebais, or the country of Thebæ, for both Thebæ and Abydus were cities of this area. This palace contained the image or statue of Memnon just mentioned, as Plinius calls it. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Strabo says it was a Colossus, and Tacitus calls it Saxeam effigies}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, {1606E & 1608/1612I only{[that is] a counterfeit cut in stone}1606E only}. For as Strabo {1597G5Add & 1602G have instead{Plinius}1597G5Add & 1602G instead} testifies, it was made of one solid stone, of black colour, as Philostratus states, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{or red, as Tzetzes would like to make us believe, I do not know on what grounds.
222.27. Pausanias and Philostratus write that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} it represented the image of a king sitting on his throne. Moreover the same Philostratus says that it represented the form of a young man. Strabo records that in his time he saw that the upper part of this statue had been broken off above the seat upon which it was placed. Which Pausanius confirms to be true, stating that he had seen it himself. The remaining part, he says, can yet be seen, sitting. Philostratus says that it is resting, lying prostrate on its hands, looking like a man that would like to stand up from his lying position.
222.28. This statue, as all the authors mentioned confirm, every day at sunrise (and, according to Philostratus, as long as the sun beams touched it) would emit a noise from its mouth, much like the sound of a voice {1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E instead{harp}1597G5Add, 1602G % 1606E instead} which is confirmed by Pausanias, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{although we are not unaware that Tacitus claims that it spoke and imitated the voice of man. Plinius says that it only crackled. It is apparent that Lucianus only scoffed and jested (which is his ordinary behaviour) when he writes that he heard that this statue spoke, and not in a vulgar manner producing a foolish and vain sort of babbling, but to utter an oracle of seven metrical verses long.
222.29. In the same way I consider [the report] of Tzetzes in the 64th section of his 6th Chiliade {1601L{(as also many other things by him in other places) to be a mere fable}1601L}, when he reports that}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} this statue in day time usually sang a pleasant song, but at night a very mournful and lamentable simple tune. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Maybe he had this from Callistus, who writes that this statue, when the sun reached it, made a pleasant noise, but when it disappeared, made a heavy and sorrowful sound}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. But about this noise or sound let us hear Strabo, a serious author, a man of great credit and a diligent observer of this strange wonder. I myself, he says {not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E{in the comments of Xylandrus}not in 1597G5Add, 1602G & 1606E}, was present, together with Ælius Gallus and a multitude of friends and soldiers that were with him, about one o'clock at mid-day, when I heard a sound. But whether it came from the base, or from the colossus, or from the statue itself, or from someone that stood around, I was not able to discern, nor dare to affirm as a truth. Because of the uncertainty of its cause, I preferred to suspect anything rather than to believe and claim that [some] stones put and joined together in that way should make a sound.
222.30. Eusthatius after Dionysius Afer observes that this was ordinarily done by a kind of instrument, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{but I dare not give him much credit who himself is often too credulous}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Pausanias writes that the Thebans flatly deny this to be the statue or image of Memnon {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{the Æthiopian}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, but that it is in fact the image of Phanemophes, a native Egyptian. Also, that he heard it said by someone that it was the statue of Selostris. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Strabo writes that there are some who think that Memnon was called Ismandes by the Egyptians. Dion Prusæus writes in his 31st oration that it had no inscription or lettering on it at all}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Yet it seems to have been the statue of Memnon [after all], because Heliodorus also considers Memnon to be included among the gods worshipped by the Æthiopians {1597G5Add & 1602G have instead{Ægyptians}1597G5Add & 1602G instead}.
222.31. This statue is also referred to in a similar manner in that verse of Juvenalis Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ {1597G5Add, 1602G, 1606E & 1608/1612I instead{[that is:] Where curtailed, Memnon's harp, by magic skill, with music sweet and warbling sound the ears does fill}1597G5Add, 1602G, 1606E & 1608/1612I instead}. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{Dimidium, or curtailed, he calls it, I think, because, as we heard before, the upper part was broken off from the rest of the statue, which Pausanias attributes to the Cambyses. But Strabo prefers to think it was caused by an earthquake.
222.32. On the [manuscript containing the] verse of Juvenalis just mentioned, an ancient gloss reads (I do not present this as the truth but take it as it is, corrupt and false): The statue, it says, of Memnon, made of brass, holding a harp in its hand, at certain hours made a pleasant sound}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. This king Caubis {1606E only{(Cambyses I think he means)}1606E only} ordered it to be broken, supposing that inside it there was some engine or mechanical automaton that had produced this sound. Yet, the statue, {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{which had been made and consecrated with magic art}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}, still continued to make a noise as before after it had been opened.
222.33. But these are mere follies, as are also the following stories from another interpreter of the same poet, as alleged by Ianus Dousa {not in 1606E{the younger}not in 1606E} in his commentaries on Catullus, namely, that this statue or sculpture usually in plain words saluted both the sun and the king, but after Cambyses had broken or cut off a piece, it saluted the sun only, but not the king. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{The chronicle of}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G} Eusebius tells, based on the opinion of common people, that it spoke until the coming of {1606E only{our Saviour}1606E only} Christ. {not in 1597G5Add & 1602G{So much for this statue of Memnon which Alexander much desired to see, according to Curtius.
222.34. Germanicus Cæsar greatly exerted himself to discover the reason behind this strange miracle, as Tacitus reports}not in 1597G5Add & 1602G}. Spartianus informs us that Septimus Severus the emperor also inspected it diligently}1597G5Add & 1602G end here} {1606E only{and beheld it with great admiration}1606E only}.
222.35. With that description of Jupiter Ammon of Curtius it seems that he meant to express its two forms, namely one which accounted for its image or statue, and the other which was worshipped as the god Ammon. One had the shape of a ram, the other the form of a protuberance (umbilicum). For I understand by the word umbilicus any high thing that sticks out ({not in 1606E{like on a shell or}not in 1606E} like a navel in man) in the manner of a quadrangle, or cone, or square. Like in books that are almost finished, as Porphyrius says, they either usually make this either as an ornament or for some special purpose. And to this very day [such protuberant ornaments] are put on the outside [cover] in the form of a round globe.
222.36. For people of ancient families were often used, as we can gather under many circumstances, to point at their gods, rather than to accurately shape them in their true form and proportions. {1601L{In the temple of Delphi, as Strabo reports in the 6th {1624LParergon has instead{9th}1624LParergon instead} book {1606E only{of his Geography}1606E only}, there was a protuberance preserved, curiously covered in scarves and ribbons, to demonstrate and show to the world that this place was in umbilico, that is, in the middle or centre of the world. And it was made, as Pausanias writes, of pure white marble}1601L}. For the statue or image of the goddess Venus, which was to be seen at Paphus in Cyprus, as Tacitus reports, was a continuous circle, wide at the bottom, with a thin edge or brim, rising up and becoming more and more narrow, {1606E & 1608/1612I only{in the manner of a pyramid}1606E & 1608/1612I only}.
222.37. Maximus Tyrius in his 38th {1608/1612I instead{18th}1608/1612I instead} oration speaks in a similar way about it, almost word for word, but he says it was like a white pyramid. The same author in the same place writes that the Arabs portrayed their god in the form of a square or cubic stone. And as Suidas states, it had no kind of carved work on it at all. But this is what he says about the Arabs of Petræa, adding that their god is called Mars. Minutius Felix {1624LParergon(and Arnobius}1624LParergon} claim[s] the same god to be nothing but a rough stone, unbroken and unpolished.
222.38. Livius testifies that the Pessinuntij, a people in Phrygia, honoured a stone as the mother of the gods. Arnobius in his 6th book says that it was a flint stone, not very large, of a very dark and dusky or black colour, very craggy, rough and uneven. {1601L{Prudentius in his 7th book says that it was of a brown colour, inclining towards black}1601L}. Herodianus reports almost the same about the form of the statue of the sun or Elagabalus as Quintus Curtius does of this god Ammon.
222.39. These are his words, as you may read in his 9th {1608/1612I instead{5th}1608/1612I instead} book {not in 1606E{commented on by Politianus}not in 1606E}: they have no images, carved and made by the art of man after the manner of the Greeks and Romans, to express the similarity of that god. But there is a very large stone, round at the bottom and tapering upwards almost in the manner of a geometrical body which the mathematicians call cone. The Sicyonij, {1606E only{citizens of Sicyon, a city on the Peloponnesos in Greece}1606E only}, as Pausanias writes, made their Jupiter Milichius in the form of a pyramid or taper.
222.40. The Semni, a sect of philosophers in India, as Clemens Alexandrinus reports in book 3 of his Stromaton, adored a pyramid and performed religious service with it. To this the sign of the profane sacrament {not in 1606E{[Greek lettering] Theos ek Petras}not in 1606E} mentioned by Firmicus may be related. And the very Romans themselves with this figure undoubtedly wanted to portray some god or other, as appears from that scaffold or chair described by Herodianus just mentioned, made in the manner of a turret or lantern in which their emperors were crowned and installed, and it was indeed by them enrolled among the number of their gods or saints as you may be pleased to call them. For this was also built so that it rose up from the bottom, becoming gradually smaller and smaller, until finally it came to the highest and last room, which was the smallest and narrowest of them all.
222.41. This also befits those obelisks or pyramids of the Egyptians, built in the form not much unlike those umbilici mentioned before, [which are] also dedicated to the sun. The same [holds] for those spires (metæ) in the theatres dedicated to the Dioscuri or Tyndarides {1608/1612I only{who are Castor and Pollux}1608/1612I only}. Fire (which refers to the god Vesta {1606E only{[Hebrew lettering] Esta, as the Chaldeans call fire}1606E only}) was also expressed by this form, whose temple was built round, and tapering upwards. All of these come very close to the form of a protuberance (umbilicus) or that geometrical body called cone by them.
222.42. On the basis of all this I conclude that the ancient reading in the old printed copies of Quintus Curtius which have [the text] umbilico similis, like a protuberance, is much better and more probable than the later edition published recently by a learned man which has [the text] umbilico tenus arieti similis, {1606E & 1608/1612I only{similar to the navel like a ram}1606E & 1608/1612I only}. But all this will become more evident and clear to the reader when comparing certain of coins {not in 1606E{from our museum of ancient coins, displayed below}not in 1606E}, {1606E only{as may be seen in [the works of] those authors who have specifically written about ancient Roman coins}1606E only}. [8 coin sides displayed here in 1624LParergon, see further after §54.]
222.43. Moreover, certain nations (although this may be besides our purpose, yet I do not think it amiss to add a word or two about it, by the way) were not in the habit of attributing great beauty to their gods. For Arnobius writes that as a symbol or idol of their god they used a dagger or short sword. The Thespij, {1606E only{citizens of Thespia, a city in Btia in Greece,}1606E only} adored and worshipped a bough of Progne. The Romans adored Quirinus (or Romulus, as some think) [in the form of] a spear. The Samij worshipped Juno {1606E only{in the form of a well}1606E only}, and the Corij [revered] a rough piece of timber for Diana.
222.44. Pausanias reports that the Sicyonij honoured Diana Pætroa in the form of a column or simple pillar, rough and unpolished. Maximus Tyrius reports that the Kelts worshipped a very high oak as the symbol or image of mighty Iove. The same author testifies that the Pæones did divine hour to a little dish or platter put upon the tip of a long pole for the sun. Tertullianus tells us that Pallas Attica and Ceres Fastea were put on the end of a mean pole, a rugged stake or a rough piece of wood. {1601L{Faria or Pharia, which Lipsius likes better, with which I agree because on a certain coin which Antonius Augustinus publishes in his Dialogues, together with the image and picture of this goddess, there is this inscription ISIS PHARIA, seeing, as Herodotus and Plutarchus [also] assert, that this goddess is the same as Isis who is worshipped by the Egyptians.
222.45. This Isis is the same as Dea Pessinuntia, and the same again as Cybele. So that Pharia as he would have it, is the same as Ægyptia, understanding thereby Isis of Ægypt. Moreover, Minutius Felix makes mention of Pharia Isis. Pausanias in his Achaica writes that in former times it was an ordinary thing, practised by all Greek, to worship rude and unpolished stones for their gods. Similarly, Herodotus in Clio witnesses that in [early] times the Persians were not used to make images, erect any temples or build any altars to their gods}1601L}.
222.46. We also read that it was the custom in some nations never to make any images, portraits or pictures of their gods at all. For Tacitus writes that the Syrians never made any sculpture or temple to their god Carmel, but they only built an altar and adored him [there] with religious worship. The same author says that the Germans made no images of their gods, nor did they ever attribute to them the shape and feature[s] of any mortal man.
222.47. And moreover he adds that they saw them only during their [rituals of] devotion. Strabo says that the Persians did not erect images or altars to their gods either. Silius Italicus speaks as follows about the chapel of Hercules at Cadiz: Sed nulla effigies, simulacrave nota Deorum, Maiestate locum & sacro implevere timore [there was no image or shape to be seen of their gods, but the place was holy only through their reverence]. Yes, and the Romans themselves, as Varro relates, for more than one hundred and seventy {1606E instead{150}1606E instead} years altogether, worshipped their gods without any images or idols at all. And indeed Plinius plainly confirms that it is the weakness of mans nature to seek for any likeness or images of them.
222.48. {1601L, but not in 1624LParergon/1641S{But because there is nothing more absolute and perfect than god, it is very probable that the gentiles revered him in that shape with which in all their actions, when they come to perfection, they are normally beautified with most rich and costly ornaments}1601L, but not in 1624LParergon/1641S}. Why they used to carry this god Ammon in a boat or pinnacle, we may understand by that [passage] of Cornelius Tacitus, where he writes that the Suevi were used to make the image of Isis in the shape of a small bark, to show that their religion and form of service performed by them, was brought [to them] from abroad.
222.49. Pausanias has recorded that the Cyreneans at Delphi honoured their god Ammon sitting in a waggon {vehiculum the author says}. Sic bona posteritas [Romana scilicet] Puppim formavit in ære, Hospitis adventum testificata Dei. {1606E & 1608/1612I only{[that is:] So Romans old for love did make this ship, of purest brass, to testify that this their god was a far born stranger}1606E & 1608/1612I only}.
222.50. This is what Ovidius says {1606E only{in the first book of his Fasti}1606E only} about the Roman god Ianus. So that what the Romans meant by their ship [puppis], is also what they meant by their pinnacle or wagon [navigium or vehiculum]. Among the Germans, on an island in the main sea, there was a place, as Tacitus records, he calls it Castum nemus, on which there was a holy and consecrated waggon, covered with a cloth and adored as a saint. But maybe we have been too tedious with this argument[ation].
222.51. As we have from ancient histories recorded two different forms of this god Ammon, so on this basis it is very probable that he had two different temples. For Diodorus in his seventeenth book, describing this temple says that it was built by Danaus the Egyptian. And the same author again, in his first book, says that Osiris also erected a temple for Jupiter Ammon in Thebes, a city of Egypt, which [temple] was all of beaten gold, in clear contrast with that [temple] which we have described before, as becomes clear from these verses of Lucanus in his 9th book: Non illic Libycæ posuerunt ditia gentes Templa nec Egis splendent donaria gemmis [the Lybians have no riches in their temples, nor gifts consisting of Eastern gems].
222.52. In Ægypt it was located, not in Libya, as is clear from the second book of Herodotus, where you find this description of it. Jupiter, not being willing to receive Hercules who came to see him for a visit, yet at length by stubbornness overcome, used the following device to deceive him. He took a ram, removed its fleas and cut off its head. This fell, with the head, wool and all he put on [his own head], and thus showed himself to Hercules. After which the Egyptians decreed to make an image of Jupiter, and to portray him with a ram's head. For him they kill a ram on a certain day each year in the same way as discussed, and they put its skin over his head.
222.53. And because the temple of this god Ammon was near the city of Thebes, which after that by good writers was called Diospolis, {1606E & 1608/1612I only{that is, Iove's town}1606E & 1608/1612I only}, I thought that the Holy Script also speaks of it at some place or other. And indeed, in the 30th chapter of Ezechiel the septuagints for the Hebrew [in Hebrew lettering in 1624LParergon/1641S only] No have Diospolis, and again, in the third chapter of Nahum, for No Amon, they have [in Greek Lettering] Ammoon. It is very probable therefore that Ammon {1606E & 1624LParergon/1641S only{([Hebrew lettering] Hamon}1606E & 1624LParergon/1641S only}, which in the Hebrew language means a multitude) was the proper name for this place}1595L5Add, 1595L, 1601L, 1603L, 1606E, 1608/1612I, 1609/1612S/L & 1624LParergon/1641S end here}.
222.54 [In the 1595L5Add, 1595L, 1601L, 1603L, 1608/1612I, 1609/1612S/L & 1624LParergon/1641S editions, some coins from Ortelius' museum are displayed here, top (1624L Parergon/1641S instead bottom) row two sides of a small golden coin the first one showing a Roman emperor's head with the inscription IMP. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG., on the other side 4 horses (looking somewhat like dogs) drawing a chariot, and the inscription CONSERVATOR AVG.; then follow (in 1624LParergon these come first) two sides of a large copper coin, the first showing a man's head and the inscription DIVVS VERVS; the other side shows a three-layered tower-like structure with the inscription CONSECRATIO S C; and then again (in 1624LParergon/1641S at the very bottom) two sides of a small golden coin, the first showing an emperor's head with the inscription IMP.VESP.PONT.TR.POT.CENS.; the other side shows a temple with a roof supported by columns and the inscription VESTA; in the bottom (1624LParergon/1641S middle) row, below the large copper coin, there is another large copper coin shown with its two sides; the first has a man's head with the inscription [in Greek lettering: ANTOONEINOS; the other side again shows a temple supported by columns, with a cone-shaped object, undoubtedly one of the gods discussed, with the inscription [in Greek lettering]: SELEUKEIA].